UGC NET Questions (Paper – 1)

The COP28 Global Stocktake decision for the first time explicitly calls on all countries to contribute to transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems. It links this transition to notions of justice, order and equity, recognising different national circumstances. The decision also reinforces objectives such as tripling renewables and doubling energy-efficiency improvements by 2030. Together, these messages describe a clear direction of travel for global energy development compatible with climate goals.

Option A:
This option is incorrect because COP28 does not endorse indefinite fossil expansion with only distant removals. The text recognises that limiting warming requires reducing fossil use, not simply offsetting it.

Option B:
This option correctly captures the new language about transitioning away from fossil fuels and the emphasis on a just and orderly process. It reflects the political signal that energy systems worldwide must change direction this decade.

Option C:
The agreement does not abandon the 1.5°C limit; it reaffirms it and notes that keeping it within reach requires stronger action. Therefore, this option misrepresents the outcome.

Option D:
The Global Stocktake addresses both mitigation and adaptation, along with finance and technology. Saying it omits mitigation is clearly wrong.

For the first time in a COP cover decision, the Glasgow Climate Pact explicitly mentioned coal and fossil fuel subsidies. It called on countries to accelerate efforts to phase down unabated coal power and phase out inefficient subsidies, recognising their role in driving emissions. This language, although less stringent than some had demanded, signalled a shift towards directly addressing fossil fuel use within climate agreements.

Option A:
This option overstates the decision; COP26 did not impose an immediate, total fossil fuel ban starting 2022, which would have been politically infeasible.

Option B:
This option correctly reflects the negotiated wording on coal and subsidies and connects it to the broader 1.5°C mitigation effort.

Option C:
The pact does not endorse long-term coal expansion; instead, it points towards reducing coal reliance, especially when unabated.

Option D:
The 1.5°C limit was reaffirmed rather than deleted, so this description is inaccurate.

Mission documents highlight that by 2030 the green hydrogen ecosystem is expected to attract investments of several lakh crore rupees and create hundreds of thousands of jobs. By substituting green hydrogen for imported fossil fuels such as LNG and ammonia, the mission can lower import bills and enhance energy security. It is also projected to avoid around 50 MMT of annual CO₂ emissions, contributing to India’s mitigation goals. These co-benefits make the mission central to a green industrial transition rather than a narrow export-only strategy. (hareda.gov.in)

Option A:
This option is incorrect because official estimates anticipate large investments and substantial job creation, not minimal impacts. The mission is designed precisely to unlock new economic opportunities.

Option B:
Increased fossil fuel imports and higher emissions would contradict the mission’s purpose. The strategy is to replace fossil-based feedstocks and fuels, thereby reducing import dependence and emissions.

Option C:
While exports are an important opportunity, the mission also focuses on domestic decarbonisation in sectors such as fertilisers, refining and steel. Limiting the benefits only to exports ignores this key aspect.

Option D:
This option correctly summarises the anticipated economic and environmental co-benefits of the mission. It reflects policy estimates regarding investment, jobs, import reduction and emission abatement, showing how climate action can support development.

Statements A, B, D and E are correct as they reflect key equity principles, attention to historical responsibility, debates on loss and damage, and links between climate action and labour rights. Statement C is false because climate justice explicitly highlights inequalities within countries, including impacts on poor and marginalised communities. Statement F is also false since justice concerns extend to adaptation, resilience and recovery from climate impacts. Hence, the combination that includes A, B, D and E and excludes C and F is correct.

Option A:
Option A is incorrect as it omits E, thereby ignoring the just transition agenda, which is an important part of contemporary climate justice discussions about workers and livelihoods.

Option B:
Option B is incorrect because it includes F, which wrongly narrows climate justice to mitigation only, and it still excludes E. Including F mixes a false statement with true ones.

Option C:
Option C is correct since it captures principles, debates and emerging concepts like loss and damage and just transition, while rejecting statements that minimise intra-country inequalities or adaptation concerns.

Option D:
Option D is incorrect because it leaves out A, so it fails to mention the core principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and capabilities, which is fundamental for understanding equity in climate regimes.

India’s leadership has committed to achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2070, a pledge reiterated in various official platforms. Recent Economic Surveys describe climate policy as integral to the goal of becoming a developed nation by 2047, rather than as a separate agenda. The documents emphasise that adaptation, energy security, job creation and low-carbon growth must be pursued together. The framing is therefore one of integrated, phased transition rather than a trade-off between development and climate action. (Press Information Bureau)

Option A:
This option correctly weaves together the 2070 net-zero timeline and the 2047 development vision, reflecting how government publications present them. It highlights the idea of balancing multiple objectives, which is a key theme in India’s climate narrative.

Option B:
This statement is incorrect because India has publicly announced and defended a net-zero year, rather than rejecting the concept. Dismissing net zero as incompatible with development misrepresents current policy.

Option C:
A net-zero target of 2030 is far more ambitious than anything currently proposed and would be extremely disruptive; it is not India’s stated goal. Moreover, policy documents do not suggest halting industrial growth.

Option D:
Postponing climate action to after 2100 contradicts actual commitments and international negotiations in which India is actively engaged. This option therefore fails to reflect real-world climate diplomacy or domestic planning.

Green jobs are defined as positions that help protect ecosystems,reduce resource use and pollution or adapt to climate change,while also providing decent wages and working conditions. The stem highlights both environmental contribution and decent work,which aligns directly with green jobs. Thus Option C (Green) correctly completes the phrase “green jobs.”

Option A:
Informal jobs lack formal protection and can exist in any sector; they are not defined by environmental benefits.

Option B:
Casual jobs are irregular/short term and are defined by job security,not by environmental contribution.

Option C:
“Green” completes the established term “green jobs,”which refers to employment that improves environmental quality and supports decent work.

Option D:
Temporary jobs are defined by duration and may or may not be environmentally beneficial,so this is not the best match.

Statements A, B and D are correct: green jobs span multiple sectors, a just transition protects workers and communities and skill development plus social protection are key tools. Statement C is incorrect because green jobs also exist in buildings, waste management, agriculture and more, not just renewables. Therefore, the combination A, B and D only is correct.

Option A:
Option A is incomplete because it omits D, which highlights the institutional mechanisms needed for a just transition. Without D, the framework appears less comprehensive.

Option B:
Option B is correct since it brings together definitional and policy aspects of green jobs and just transition, while excluding C, which unduly narrows the scope of green employment.

Option C:
Option C is incorrect as it includes C, which falsely limits green jobs to one sector; this contradicts broader definitions used in labour and environment literature.

Option D:
Option D is incorrect because it mixes A and D with C and omits B, thereby misrepresenting the social-justice orientation of a just transition.

Just transition aims to make the move away from fossil fuels fair by providing alternative jobs,social protection and retraining for affected workers and regions. The endpoint of this shift is a low carbon or carbon neutral economy. The stem refers to communities dependent on fossil fuels not being left behind in the shift to a different type of economy,which is clearly a low carbon economy. Hence Option C is correct.

Option A:
Carbon intensive economy describes the current pattern that relies heavily on fossil fuels and is precisely what the transition seeks to move away from. Therefore Option A cannot fit the blank.

Option B:
Conflict ridden economy refers to social conditions rather than emissions intensity. While unmanaged transitions can create conflict,the core idea of just transition is about moving toward low carbon systems fairly.

Option C:
Low carbon economies minimise greenhouse gas emissions through clean energy,efficiency and sustainable practices. Ensuring that this transformation is socially just is the heart of the just transition concept described in the stem.

Option D:
Speculative economy suggests dependence on unstable financial speculation and is not central to climate policy debates. It does not accurately complete the phrase in the question.

Mission estimates suggest that by 2030 the green hydrogen ecosystem could attract investments exceeding ₹8 lakh crore and create over six lakh jobs. By substituting green hydrogen for imported fossil-based feedstocks and fuels, it can lower the import bill and enhance energy security. It is also expected to avoid roughly 50 MMT of CO₂ emissions per year, thereby supporting India’s mitigation goals while enabling new green industries. (Press Information Bureau)

Option A:
This option is incorrect because official projections emphasise very substantial investments and emission reductions, not “minimal” impacts.

Option B:
This option correctly captures the multiple economic and environmental benefits that the mission is expected to deliver, connecting climate action with jobs and energy security.

Option C:
Although exports are an opportunity, the mission also targets domestic decarbonisation in sectors like fertilisers, refineries and steel; it is not export-only.

Option D:
Green hydrogen depends on renewable power; it does not replace renewables but builds on their expansion, so this statement is conceptually wrong.